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In the 20-year interim between Afghanistan¡¯s two periods of Taliban government, the country¡¯s higher education system was on an upward trajectory.

Universities were seen as engines of innovation and a path to a brighter national future. They were receiving assistance in curriculum development and human capital development from counterpart institutions in India, Germany, the US and the UK. Faculty members were publishing research, attending conferences inside and outside Afghanistan, and advancing in their disciplines.

Many Afghan lecturers were studying abroad to strengthen their skills, and many returned to serve the country, bringing with them the modern skills and experiences they gained. And their students dreamed of starting their own careers in academia ¨C or becoming influential figures in society.

However, since the Taliban¡¯s reconquest of Afghanistan in 2021, the sector has fallen back into the abject state it was in following the first period of Taliban rule ¨C and the decade and a half of mujahideen rule that preceded it.

Female students, who had been active participants in academia, have been banned from attending universities entirely, leading to devastating mental health consequences and a collapse in their professional aspirations. Male students, too, face limited prospects as the value of university degrees diminishes, with Taliban-appointed bosses favouring madrasa graduates over university-educated professionals.

The quality of higher education itself has also declined. Many lecturers and scholars have been dismissed and replaced by religious figures, who often have no formal qualifications in their fields.

In this dire context, establishing an Open University for Afghanistan (OUA) could be a lifeline for those cut off from conventional higher education ¨C especially women. Even though their ban from the workplace means that a degree would serve no professional purpose for women, studying would occupy their minds and redress the mental health problems that being confined to their homes is causing. And it may give them hope that they will one day be able to pursue further study, or even work abroad.

Of course, the OUA would need to navigate the complex political landscape to ensure its operations were not directly obstructed by the Taliban. By maintaining a neutral stance and focusing on humanitarian objectives and developing curricula respectful of Afghan cultural and social values, it might gain tacit acceptance or at least avoid undue interference. Teaching staff could largely be recruited from among the many Afghan academics who were forced to flee during the successive radical Islamist crackdowns. This would also provide a way to redress the brain drain and retain intellectual capital within the Afghan community.

Even then, OUA degrees would be unlikely to be validated by the Taliban. Yet if OUA degrees were developed with the help and oversight of foreign universities, non-governmental organisations and international agencies, they could be recognised internationally, potentially providing a path to employment overseas. To that end, perhaps the OUA could build on some of the memoranda of understanding that many Afghan universities had with Western universities before they were all cancelled following the Taliban¡¯s return.

But the more international influence there were, of course, the more the Taliban would be likely to try to repress the OUA. Its control over official internet access and technology infrastructure could, for instance, allow it to block the OUA¡¯s website and channels. To mitigate this, however, the OUA could explore partnerships with international organisations to establish alternative internet connections.

This need not be done from a standing start: Afghans already use various unofficial strategies to access the internet. For example, the Starlink satellite network offers very high-quality connection, and its use is very difficult for the Taliban to detect. Sometimes a small, electronic antenna?is needed to access such networks, which would need somehow to be distributed to learners.

All of this, of course, would cost money. However, the potential for such an initiative to attract global philanthropic support is illustrated by Arab businessman Sheikh Khalaf Ahmad Al Habtoor¡¯s decision in 2023 to redress the ban on women studying in Afghanistan by funding scholarships for 100 female Afghan students to study in Dubai. Indeed, the international community has a moral responsibility to prevent the complete collapse of Afghanistan¡¯s intellectual and educational infrastructure.

Even with international support, establishing an OUA will undoubtedly be fraught with challenges, but the potential impact is immeasurable. By providing an inclusive curriculum based on international standards and including 21st-century skills tailored to address the specific needs of Afghans, it could restore a sense of purpose and intellectual growth to the country¡¯s disillusioned youth.

In doing so, it would reaffirm the power of education as a force for good in the most challenging circumstances. And it could serve as a model for other regions where traditional education systems are disrupted by war, political instability or natural disasters.

The author is based in Afghanistan. For safety reasons, he has asked to remain anonymous.